Japanese Lesbian
Although it would be safe to say that Lesbian Studies has never seriously been placed on the Japanese academic agenda, women-loving-women in Japan continue to individually and collectively desist from and resist heteronormative gender discourses. This paper first gives a brief overview of 'rezubian' communities since the 1970s and then outlines the Basic Law for a Gender Equal Society and the Law Concerning Special Rules Regarding Sex Status of a Person with Gender Identity Disorder; two recent laws that demonstrate contemporary regulatory gender discourses. In closing, I stress that the paradox of contemporary Japanese 'lesbian studies,' being almost nonexistent in the academe and continuously in development in the community, is clear only if we look at academic discourses alongside writings in both commercial and community publications.
japanese lesbian
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Such statements, while well intentioned and for the most part well received, were nonetheless rooted in two problematic assumptions: the notion that identity categories such as "gays and lesbians" are transhistorical and universal and the idea that their absence in any given cultural context is to be explained in terms of a temporal logic of belatedness rather than cultural and historical difference. They assume that the story of sexual oppression and liberation is a universal one, an inevitable and teleological movement from darkness into light, from hatred into tolerance, and that the progress made on this journey by any given society can be mapped as points along a single trajectory. It is a dynamic as old as Japanese modernity itself.
Japan plays the perpetual adolescent with "the West" (usually the United States) as its patient tutor. The group I worked for, as Mark McLelland points out in the book under review here, was itself prone to represent itself as a pioneer in gay and lesbian activism and to downplay not only the role of earlier activists but also the diversity of other queer voices in Japan at [End Page 173] the time. In this sense we were partly to blame for framing the discussion in terms that elicited such responses. And given the paucity of information available in English about queers in Japan, those few groups who are able to make themselves heard come to have a disproportionate influence. This is why a book like Mark McLelland's Queer Japan from the Pacific War to the Internet Age is so valuable not only on its own merits but also as part of a growing corpus of materials that will make it more difficult for any one book or group of individuals to monopolize the discussion of the history and politics of sexuality in Japan or elsewhere.
Both the historical mutability and cultural specificity of queer sexualities in Japan are brought home very clearly in McLelland's discussion of the array of Japanese terms used to designate queer subjects. The English term "gay," for example, had been introduced in Japan already in the 1950s, but it referred not to male and female homosexuals in general, much less to those who claimed a politicized gay identity, but to the effeminate bar hosts, or gei bōi (gay boys), who staffed Tokyo's many gei bā (gay bars). Because these locales were often written about in the mass media, the term gei became widely known among the Japanese public two decades before its English counterpart would achieve such widespread currency. The same was true for lezu, an abbreviated form of "lesbian" that was used from the mid-1960s to refer to a genre of pornography for heterosexual males. This earlier history of the terms meant that when "lesbian" and "gay" made their way into Japan again in the 1980s as part of the new rights-based discourse on sexual minorities, "they had to compete with the already indigenized meanings of the terms lezu and gei" (94). What McLelland is pointing to here is a proliferation rather than a one-way imposition of terms and categories [End Page 174] relating to sexuality. Just as individual Chinese characters were often "imported" multiple times into Japanese with slightly different readings and meanings reflecting the given historical moment, Western terms relating to sexuality have tended to multiply and morph into very different concepts in Japan.
By the 1970s the "perverse" subculture began to splinter into ever more specialized identity categories. Chapter 4 traces the rise of the homo, a hypermasculine and overtly sexualized identity made popular by magazines such as Adon (from Adonis), Barazoku (The Rose Tribe), and Sabu from Saburō, a common Japanese name for men. While the gei bō i had been trendy and modern, the homo found inspiration in the "long tradition of homoeroticism originating in the samurai nanshoku code and the homosocial brotherhood of the past" (154). They favored traditional fundoshi loincloths over Western underwear and modeled themselves after macho cultural figures such as film star Takakura Ken and writer Mishima Yukio. But despite the wide dissemination of the homo style, thanks to a boom in magazine production and consumer culture during the 1970s and 1980s, McLelland argues that it should not be confused with the "gay culture" that was developing in the United States and Europe during the same years. He cites the absence of any political activism and the lack of interaction and identification with other groups such as lesbians or even the transgendered gei bō i.
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